By Edward Jay Epstein
President Bush has made the warfare opposed to medications the #1 factor at the modern American political schedule. during this revised variation of his vintage booklet, on hand for the 1st time in paperback, Edward Jay Epstein argues that the president has followed the tactic of his forbear, Richard Nixon, in utilizing the medication warfare guilty foreigners for the problem in America's towns, and to supply a smokescreen for unrelated political job designed to reinforce govt energy. the medication crackdown has obvious a virtually hundredfold elevate within the federal funds for narco-politics within the fifteen years seeing that organisation of worry was once first released, whereas data on drug-running were massaged. Epstein issues out that, regardless of the big budgets and public kinfolk brouhaha, drug importation, as measured opposed to wholesale rate, has in truth grown.
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Extra info for Agency of Fear: Opiates and Political Power in America (Rev)
EDWARD LUTTWAK, Coup d'Etat Of course the fragmentation of the police in the United States has largely resulted from the deliberate intention of denying the federal government a possible instrument of tyranny. -EDWARD LUTTWAK, Coup dEtat Richard Milhous Nixon did not follow any of the charted channels of American politics in his extraordinary passage to the presidency. Whereas other American presidents could point to their "humble origins" with some sort of romantic pride (or even describe their family summer home as a "log cabin"), Nixon really suffered during his childhood from poverty.
In World War II he sought the most dangerous service available in the Navy, and was a commander of the PT boat squadron in which John F. Kennedy served as a lieutenant. As one of the leading municipal-bond lawyers in New York City, he dealt constantly with local politicians across the country interested in gaining a favorable opinion for a tax-free bond issue. He joined Nixon's law firm as a senior partner in 1967 and made an immediate impression on Nixon. Little more than a year later, he agreed to be the campaign manager for Nixon's presidential effort, and seemed to many in the campaign to be the only person to whom Nixon deferred.
Thus he turned to the growing unease that was being reported out of the major cities in America-riots had erupted in Los Angeles, New York, and other major cities in the mid-1960s (and though not a new phenomenon in themselves, they were for the first time nationally televised); crime rates, as reported by the FBI, had practically doubled between 1960 and 1967; and polls were indicating that personal safety from crimes was rapidly becoming the dominant concern of the electorate. Until then, the law-and-order battle cry had been used mainly by local politicians for local problems and as a shibboleth for the race problem and crime control; Nixon found he could now use it to organize fears on a wider scale.