At What Cost: The Economics of Gypsy and Traveller by Rachel Morris

By Rachel Morris

Because the Conservative government's reform of the legislations and coverage in terms of lodging for vacationing humans (Gypsies and travelers) in 1992, there were no alterations to the laws, regardless of an immense overview of housing legislation and coverage started by way of the present Labour executive in 2000. a first-rate cause given for the 1992 felony reforms was once monetary: that the price to the general public handbag of delivering websites for vacationing humans used to be unjustifiably excessive. but no research used to be ever performed into the prices of no longer supplying websites. This ebook provides the findings of a finished research through the vacationer legislation examine Unit at Cardiff legislations college of the prices linked to unauthorised encampments. as well as exploration of the monetary charges skilled by means of neighborhood gurus within the united kingdom, either as landowners and as companies of public companies, the ebook additionally examines the monetary, human and social bills suffered by means of inner most landowners, police companies and vacationing humans themselves. The booklet areas those bills in context either by means of exploring the method of switch to legislation and coverage during this box in 1992 , and the problems now raised via the "Best price" regime and different new duties put on public our bodies via human rights and race kinfolk legislation. The e-book will be important interpreting for practitioners and coverage makers in housing, making plans, equality matters, schooling, welfare and policing at neighborhood and nationwide degrees. it may even be of curiosity to social coverage and social paintings lecturers and scholars, and to traveling humans themselves.

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Extra info for At What Cost: The Economics of Gypsy and Traveller Encampments

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Analysing the TLRU questionnaire responses, therefore, where authorities have been unable to provide details of the number of people accommodated in a caravan, or where they were unable to provide a precise number of caravans stationed on an unauthorised encampment, the assumption has been made that one caravan = two persons, and one family = five persons. If one discounts double counting between county and district councils (by removing from the calculation the figures for county councils), the results provide a rough average of almost ten unauthorised encampments per authority.

Travelling People are not included in the National Census, except insofar as it is open to them to tick the ‘Other’ category in the list of minority ethnic groups (Morris, 1999). It is equally difficult to estimate how many Travelling People are settled in housing; how long they will remain there; and why they are now housed. What is certain is that none will easily give up their cultural identity and customs. Many will return to life ‘on the road’ (Thomas and Campbell, 1992). Despite these cautionary notes, the biannual counts might at least reveal a pattern year on year of numbers of caravans on types of stopping places.

It would indicate that either there has been a major shift in Travelling patterns since the 1991 report, or that unauthorised encampments created by ‘longdistance’ Travelling People are disproportionately expensive to manage. This proposition arose from the 1991 report, which noted that local authorities considered 73% of those on unauthorised sites to be ‘settled’ Travelling People and only 27% to be ‘transitory’. As noted, another possibility is that a majority of authorities see Travelling People as ‘non-local’, as not being members of the local citizenry, regardless of family ties or historical patterns of travel (facts of which some Gypsy and Traveller Liaison Officers may not be aware).

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