By Sohail Daulatzai
“The related uprising, an identical impatience, a similar anger that exists within the hearts of the darkish humans in Africa and Asia,” Malcolm X declared in a 1962 speech, “is current within the hearts and minds of 20 million black humans during this state who've been simply as completely colonized because the humans in Africa and Asia.” 4 a long time later, the hip-hop artist Talib Kweli gave voice to the same Pan-African sentiment within the tune “K.O.S. (Determination)”: “The African diaspora represents power in numbers, a massive cannot shut eye forever.”
Linking discontent and unrest in Harlem and la to anticolonial revolution in Algeria, Egypt, and in other places, Black leaders within the usa have usually seemed to the anti-imperialist hobbies and antiracist rhetoric of the Muslim 3rd international for notion. In Black megastar, Crescent Moon, Sohail Daulatzai maps the wealthy, shared heritage among Black Muslims, Black radicals, and the Muslim 3rd international, displaying how Black artists and activists imagined themselves now not as nationwide minorities yet as a part of an international majority, hooked up to bigger groups of resistance. Daulatzai strains those interactions and alliances from the Civil Rights move and the Black strength period to the “War on Terror,” putting them inside a broader framework of yankee imperialism, Black id, and the worldwide nature of white oppression.
From Malcolm X and Muhammad Ali to modern artists and activists like Rakim and Mos Def, Black megastar, Crescent Moon unearths how Muslim resistance to imperialism got here to occupy a relevant place in the Black radical mind's eye, delivering a brand new point of view at the political and cultural historical past of Black internationalism from the Nineteen Fifties to the current.
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Additional info for Black Star, Crescent Moon: The Muslim International and Black Freedom beyond America
For Black anticolonialists, particularly with the emergence of the Nation of Islam, this was the beginning of a transformative period in Black political culture, one that would literally and metaphorically remap Black identity and struggle and fundamentally challenge the Cold War liberalism of the time. In fact, just as the Nation of Islam sought to redeﬁne Black identities through a redemptive past and the creation of an independent future, Third World peoples summoned similar desires for collective renewal by trying to create what Fanon called the “new man” in relation to Europe, new identities that the national liberation movements sought to bring into existence from the ashes of European colonialism.
In the United States, Black movement leaders, grassroots activists, organizations, and others viewed what was happening throughout the Third World with great interest. So from the early twentieth century through the post–World War II moment, they crafted new languages and vocabularies for freedom in voices that had a distinctly international tongue and that were locally situated but globally aware. ”6 In fact, throughout the twentieth century but particularly up to, during, and in the aftermath of World War II, Black political culture framed Black struggles for freedom through the lens of anticolonialism, using a racial rhetoric that expanded the notion of a racial community to include nonwhites the world over.
Malcolm didn’t burn his draft card, as many would later. Instead, he used it as his declaration of independence. ” As the Cold War hysteria raged throughout the United States, Malcolm declared his allegiance. This wasn’t the Asia of Mao and Ho. Though it was. And it wasn’t the Asia of Cairo or Karachi. But it was that, too. S. ” global control and the domestic consensus needed in order to gain that control. On the one hand, how was the United States going to contend with emerging African and Asian nations who were seeking independence after centuries of European colonial racism?