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The 1774 proclamation, of freedom of commerce carried in Spanish ships between Spanish ports in the eastern Pacific Ocean, was the most radical step, coupled with a reduction in dues payable in Guayaquil and Acapulco. The fact that most Guayaquil cocoa destined for Acapulco still went via Callao might suggest that trade had not been truly liberalised (Fisher 1997:179). However, a closer examination reveals that Guayaquil producers preferred to sell to Lima traders, who disposed of silver for immediate cash payments (Parrón Salas 1995:222, 236–8, 340).
Cacao is one of the most important articles of production in Colombia. It is in daily use in every household, rich and poor, in every district of the country, to quite as great an extent as tea is in England’ (PP 1888: vol. 100). There was hardly a family, rich or poor, that did not drink hot chocolate at least once a day in 1909. Three cups were often taken, especially in the mountains and Cauca, and chocolate was as important to Colombians as beer to Bavarians (Gordian: XV, 3081). The millions of trees in the Cauca valley were entirely for local consumption in the early 1910s, and Antioqueños were paying up to twice European prices (Patiño 1963:311– 12).
Costa Rica even banned cocoa imports altogether in 1846, to stimulate internal production (Saenz Maroto 1970:546). Nicaragua’s official cocoa exports contracted sharply after independence, only amounting to 150 kilos by sea in 1841, with twenty tonnes going overland to El Salvador and Honduras in 1844. Some imports of cheap Guayaquil beans also persisted (Burns 1991:54–5; Lanuza et al. 1983: 52, 87–8). Gran Colombia prohibited cocoa imports in 1821, on pain of the confiscation of vessel and cargo (Mollien 1824:380–1, 386–7; McGreevey 1971: 34; Humphreys 1940:245–6).